by Alice Elizabeth Gregg
Adventist Currents, October 1983
Had Ellen White been
prescient, she would never have employed Fannie Bolton or Marian Davis as her
editors. Nor would she have written the letters to Fannie and Marian that
appeared in "The Fannie Bolton Story: A Collection of Source Documents" released
by the Ellen G. White Estate in 1982. But she did not know the end from the
beginning; and as a result, the struggle over the dark secret they shared was to
belong irrevocably to the annals of the Seventh-day Adventist church.
The barrage of words hurled from typewriter to typewriter, as can be read in
that collection, barely gives a clue that much of the drama took place in the
harsh and beautiful continent of Australia - land of the outback, the
billabongs, the coolabah trees, and the koalas. The names of Cooranbong,
Melbourne, and Adelaide, dropped occasionally in the letters, are only
incidental to the conflict between the antagonists in the story.
The Story, a quasi biography of Frances Eugenia Bolton, cites her birthday as
August 1, 1859. Her death certificate indicates that her birthplace was Chicago,
Illinois. (1) Her father was a Methodist minister, and she had at least two
brothers. Her picture on the title page of The Story shows an attractive
brunette with the small, chiseled features that might please a cosmetologist.
Fannie was a June 18, 1883, graduate of the Preparatory School (high school)
of Northwestern University in Evanston, Illinois; and she delivered one of the
commencement orations, "The Flight of the Gods." (2) The Story indicates
that she attended "Lady's Seminary" and/or "Evanston College." Whether she went
beyond the preparatory school at that time has not yet been substantiated. What
is known is that after her schooling she found work as a correspondent with the
[Chicago] Daily Inter-Ocean, one of the predecessors of the Chicago Tribune.
She was converted to Seventh-day Adventism in 1885 by George B. Starr, a
minister at the Chicago Mission. Fannie first met Ellen Gould White, Seventh-day
Adventism's messenger, at the Springfield, Illinois, campmeeting in 1887 when
she was reporting for the paper. She was then twenty-eight years old. Because of
her background it was natural that she be asked to edit Ellen's sermons.
According to Fannie's account to a friend, Ellen was pleased with the way she
made the sermons over for the press, and she wished to employ her. (3)
Ellen had recently returned from Europe filled with ideas for writing books
and articles. The Great Controversy was finished. The Desire of Ages
was a dream, and the Adventist periodicals were constantly clamoring for
articles. Marian Davis had been working for Ellen since 1879 and editing for her
since the death of James White, her husband, in 1881. But with the numbers of
requests for articles, tracts, books, and letters, Marian was staggering under
the load. Ellen had to have more help, and Fannie was a likely candidate.
William C. White, Ellen's son, and Dores E. Robinson, her grandson-in-law,
recalled many years later that Fannie "was recommended to her as a young woman
of rare talents, of good education, and an earnest Christian." The arrangement
for employment was beneficial for both Ellen and Fannie, they wrote, and Fannie
"proved to be brilliant and entertaining, and, although somewhat erratic at
times, was loved by the other members of the family." (4)
When Ellen left the campmeeting circuit to return to her home in California,
she arranged for Fannie to meet her and her party at the Chicago depot so that
they could travel together. Ellen was "not with her party, so Elder Starr hunted
around till he found her behind a screen in the restaurant very gratified in
eating big white raw oysters with vinegar, pepper and salt," Fannie wrote; and
on the same trip Willie White brought into the car a "thick piece of bloody
beefsteak" for Sara McEnterfer, one of Ellen's valued employees, to cook on a
small oil stove. These incidents were shocking to Fannie, who had "lived up to
the testimonies with all faithfulness discarding meat, butter, fish, fowl and
the supper meal, believing that as the 'Testimonies' say, 'no meat-eater will be
When the party arrived in California, Fannie was given specific instructions
regarding her assignment. She was told at the outset that she was to work under
the direction of Marian in preparing letters, or "testimonies," as they were
usually referred to, and in editing articles for publication. She was told also,
according to White and Robinson, that the "matters revealed to Mrs. White in
vision, were not a word for word narration of events with their lessons, but
that they were generally flash-light or panoramic views of various scenes in the
experiences of men, sometimes in the past, and sometimes in the future, together
with the lessons connected with these experiences."
Likewise she was told about Ellen's tendency to make errors of mechanic
(spelling, capitalization, punctuation) and of syntax, to be repetitious, and to
fall short of organizing her material well - all of which the editors should
correct, modify, or rearrange for clarity and effectiveness. (6)
Fannie enjoyed working on articles for publication, according to White and
Robinson, but "she found the copying of letters of reproof to be distasteful and
revolting to her. She was heard to say that she wished there were no such word
as 'don't' in the English language." (7)
The first year of working with Fannie seemed a happy experience for Ellen.
She wrote on February 13, 1888: "Fannie Bolton is a treasure to me. We are all
harmonious, all working unitedly and in love." (8)
Fannie, however, was finding some aspects of her work appalling. Early during
her employment she showed Marian some material she was working on, and to her
surprise Marian asked if she had compared the chronology with Eidersheim or
another standard religious writer. When Fannie told her that the Lord was a
correct historian, Marian replied that Ellen was not. In recounting the story
for his paper, The Gathering Call, Edward S. Ballenger later wrote that Fannie,
on comparing, was "shocked and astonished to face a paragraph exactly like the
one in the articles she was copying, although there was no sign in the articles
of its being a quotation, and on turning a page found a whole page which in the
articles was only changed enough to prevent its being an exact quotation."
Ballenger went on to explain that Marian tried to reassure Fannie by saying that
"the earth is the Lord's and the fullness thereof." But Fannie was not
In the days that followed, Fannie found that many authors' works were used
without credit. Nor was credit given to Fannie or to Marian for their original
work incorporated in articles going out over Ellen's name and, moreover,
represented as inspired of God. Thus Fannie found herself involved in something
she believed to be dishonest. Conscience-stricken and disillusioned, she brought
the matter up with Ellen, in the conviction that she ought to uphold the
"principle of ordinary justice and literary honesty [and be] a martyr for
truth's sake." (10) There were golden rules for writing that were not being
followed, she told Ellen. What Ellen said at that time is not known or included
in The Story, but evidently she was intractable, inasmuch as Fannie retired to
the typewriter and to doing the work assigned to her.
After the 1888 General Conference meeting in Minneapolis, Ellen went to live
in Battle Creek; and in December Fannie and Marian were called from California.
White and Robinson recollected that "on the way to Battle Creek, Miss Bolton
spent a week in Chicago. There she met many of her former acquaintances, and
found many things to remind her of old time experiences and ambitions. Soon
after this she made it known to her fellow-workers that she was not satisfied to
spend all her life in handling the thoughts and writings of another person. She
had thoughts and ideas of her own, and longed to give expression to them." (11)
Although Fannie went on working for Ellen, the situation continued to
deteriorate. At last, not yet two years after Fannie began working, White wrote
to Charles H. Jones of the Pacific Health Journal on June 23, 1889, suggesting
that it would be profitable for him to employ Fannie. "I believe that Sister
Bolton is much better qualified for work on a journal like the Pacific Health
Journal," he wrote, "for in this she would have more occasion for original work,
and it would not demand the accuracy which our work on the Signs must have."
Since Jones obviously, for whatever reason, did not employ her, Fannie
continued working for Ellen, trying to "harmonize what seemed to [her] an
inconsistency in the work with a worldly literary maxim that requires an author
to acknowledge his editors and give credit to all works from which he quotes"
and holding to "the position in [her] mind that Sister White should acknowledge
her editors and every source from which she obtained suggestion or expression."
Fannie must have kept the subject of crediting authors and editors fresh
before Ellen during those months, for by the autumn of 1890 she was fired.
Having found some courses that she wanted to take at the University of Michigan
at Ann Arbor, Fannie eased herself out of her job, with the exception of a few
of Ellen's manuscripts that she took with her to edit. About this, Ellen wrote
that Fannie "asked for some articles of mine to take with her to Ann Arbor,
saying she loved the work. But I now think that she wished to use the pretext
that she was employed by me in order to gain the confidence of others because I
trusted her as my agent to prepare copy for my books. I see my folly now." (14)
Writing an apology to Ellen, Fannie said "I can not help writing to you
because God has helped me so much since I last saw you. I did feel so sad about
being severed from your work when I had just become so reconciled, so anxious to
do it; but I cast all my perplexity on God." (15)
A year later, in the autumn of 1891, the General Conference asked Ellen White
to go to Australia. When Sara McEnterfer unfortunately became ill with malaria,
Ellen, to the surprise of others in the inner circle, invited Fannie to go with
her as a replacement for Sara. Ellen acknowledged later that "Fannie pleaded
hard and with tears to come with me [to Australia] to engage with me in the work
of preparing articles for the papers. She declared she had met with a great
change, and was not at all the person she was when she told me she desired to
write herself and could not consent that her talent would be buried up in the
work of preparing my articles for the papers and books. She felt she was full of
the matter and had talent she must put to use in writing which she could not do
connected with me." (16)
Once in Australia, Fannie settled into the work with her usual speed and
efficiency. In a letter of October 7, 1892, she wrote that she had copied
forty-two pages of the mail, had sent off seven articles for the Review and six
for the Signs, and had prepared four articles more since the mail had gone. (17)
On May 4, 1893, she wrote that she had rushed down town the day before and
mailed eleven articles to Ellen - seven or eight for the Youth's Instructor,
one for the Signs, and one for the Review. (18)
When campmeeting time came in 1894 (January 5-28), Fannie was ready for a
vacation. Campmeetings were times for refreshing and exchanging experiences and
views; and Fannie, a workaholic by nature, looked forward to them. While she was
there, it is likely that friends told Fannie how wonderful it must be to work
for such an inspired and brilliant writer as Ellen; and Fannie would have
thought it was important to put the record straight. "She talked much to friends
and acquaintances in Melbourne about the difficulties attending her work, and
the faulty way in which some of the manuscripts were written," recalled White
and Robinson of the occasion. "Her estimate of the great improvements made by
the editors was dwelt upon, and the work of Mrs. White was belittled. Again she
expressed her decided conviction that the talents of the copyists and their work
should receive public recognition." (19)
At the same time she told Merritt G. Kellogg, half-brother of John Harvey
Kellogg and William K. Kellogg,
that she was "writing all the time for Sister White." Furthermore, she said that
most of what she wrote was "published in the Review and Herald...as
having been written by Sister White under inspiration of God...I am greatly
distressed over this matter, for I feel that I am acting a deceptive part. The
people are being deceived about the inspiration of what I write. I feel that it
is a great wrong that anything which I write should go out under Sister White's
name as an article specially inspired of God. What I write should go out over my
own signature[;] then credit would be given where credit belongs." (20)
The essence of her complaints, as Fannie would express it to Ellen later when
she looked back, was: "I thought as I have always thought before, that you
did not see my perplexity, or comprehend my trouble, that IT WAS YOUR
WITHHOLDING OF THE TRUTH ABOUT YOUR WRITINGS in not acknowledging your editorial
help, that was at the bottom of all the perplexity, and that your work was not
as you say the work of God ought to be, 'AS OPEN AS SUNLIGHT'" [emphasis
When Ellen found out that Fannie was revealing her working methods, she had a
vision, according to what she told George B. Starr: "There appeared a chariot of
gold and horses of silver above me, and Jesus, in royal majesty, was seated in
the chariot.... Then there came the words rolling down over the clouds from the
chariot from the lips of Jesus, 'Fannie Bolton is your adversary! Fanny Bolton
is your adversary!' repeated three times." (22) Ellen wrote Marian also that she
was "warned" that Fannie was her adversary. (23)
On February 6, 1894, Ellen wrote Fannie: "Now, my sister, I do not want you
to be any longer connected with me in my work. I mean now, for your good, that
you should never have another opportunity to do as you have done in the past."
The only reference Ellen made in that letter to the matter of her "copying"
from other authors was: "SHOULD I ATTEMPT TO VINDICATE MY COURSE TO THOSE WHO DO
NOT APPRECIATE THE SPIRITUAL CHARACTER OF THE WORK WHICH IS LAID UPON ME, IT
WOULD ONLY EXPOSE MYSELF AND THE WORK TO MISCONCEPTION AND MISREPRESENTATION. To
present the matter before other minds would be useless, for there are but few
who are really so connected with God [who] see beneath the surface appearance as
to understand it. This work is one that I cannot explain." (25)
Since she could not explain the copying - because to do so would disclose it
- Ellen wrote ad hominem on Fannie's character, about which she could say much:
"You are not a safe and capable worker. Your mind is subject to changes; first
it is elated, then depressed. The impression made by this frequent change is
startling. Self-control is not brought into your life. You choose a life of
change, crowded with different interests and occupations, therefore you cannot
possibly put your life, as you suppose you have done, into this work; you are
most wonderfully deceived in thinking you do this.... All you engage in tastes
so strongly of the dish that it is not acceptable to God." (26)
On the same day Ellen wrote to her son Willie: "Her love of ambition, her
love of praise, and her idea of her own ability and talent was the open door
Satan had entered to not only ruin her soul, but to imperil the work given me of
God.... I am in a very grave perplexity and when I see how Satan works to take
the very ones who ought to be intelligent and sharp as steel to understand their
position before God, and their privileges and honor to have a part in the work,
become disloyal, surmising, and whispering evil and putting the same into other
minds, it is time decisive measures are taken that will correct the disaffection
before it shall spread farther." (27)
Ellen spared no rhetoric in her invective during this period. She wrote to
O.A. Olsen, the General Conference president: "Her ardent love for praise and
ambition was very similar to that presented to me in regard to the workings of
Satan in the heavenly courts to bring disaffection among the angels." (28)
To Marian, she wrote: "She becomes at times as verily possessed be demons as
were human beings in the days of Christ. And when these paroxysms are upon her,
many think she is inspired of God. She is fluent, her words come thick and fast,
and she is under the control of demons." (29)
"If she were converted," she wrote to George A. Irwin, soon to become the
General Conference president, "she would have a clear understanding of the
influence of her past misrepresentations of the work she has done for me, and
would confess some of her misstatements regarding it, which have been used by
the enemy to unsettle and undermine the faith of many, in the testimonies of the
Spirit of God." (30)
To Willie, Ellen likened Fannie to Aaron and Miriam: "Aaron had been
mouth-piece for Moses, and Miriam was a teacher of the women. But now come
whisperings between the brother and sister in murmurings and jealousies against
Moses, and they were guilty of disloyalty, not only to their Leader appointed of
God but God Himself.... Those who give place to Satan's suggestions in their
desperate efforts in panting for recognition of talents they flatter themselves
that they possess, will be so blinded by the enemy that they will not discern
sacred things in distinction from the common." In the same letter to Willie, she
said that Fannie was like Eve: "Again the warning came, 'Fannie is your
adversary, and is misleading minds by entertaining the suggestions of Satan as
did Eve in Eden.'" (31)
To Fannie on the same day she wrote, in the third person singular, about
Fannie's likeness to Saul: "My prayer is that God will convert the poor child
[Fannie], that she may understand the leadings of His Holy Spirit. The character
of Saul is a marked one. There was strength and weakness combined. Gifts of
talent were bestowed upon him, and had he consecrated these gifts wholly to God,
he would not have dishonored himself by his own transgression." (32)
Impaling Fannie thus on her sharp pen, Ellen was able to divert attention
from the copying problem to Fannie's character. Nowhere in the record does Ellen
say to Fannie, "Let's give credit where credit is due. Let's do the right
thing." The red herring assault on Fannie's personality was the perfect tactic.
Fannie was remorseful, to say the least, having just lost her job, and she
wrote to Ellen: "I can see just how Satan has come and has always found
something in me whereby he could work to harass and distress those with whom I
was associated. Self has never died fully and therefore a door was left for the
entrance of the enemy. The bottom of all my trouble has been self, and that is
Satanic.... In doing the work, I have looked at what was perplexing, and
handling it day after day, have lost the real sense of its sacredness, and began
to look upon it from a literary standpoint alone. I don't know that it is quite
just to put it in that way either; for I have had a sense of what it was to me,
and to all, above that of a mere literary matter.... My faith in the testimonies
is stronger today than ever, and I feel that I want to put my whole influence on
the side of upbuilding the faith of God's people in this great and sacred work."
Ellen wrote back to Fannie the next day, on February 10, 1894: "I received
and read your letter, and assure you that my heart is deeply touched by its
contents. I accept your confession. As far as yourself and your connection with
me personally is concerned, I have and do freely forgive you." (34) Fannie was
rehired on the spot.
Whether this was startling to Ellen's cadre is not known. They knew that
Fannie was good help, and Ellen needed her help. Willie's letter to Edson, his
brother, on October 25, 1895, confirmed that: "She [Fannie] has remarkable
talent and handles mother's matters very intelligently and rapidly, turning off
more than twice as much work in a given time as any other editor mother has ever
But not all was well with Fannie. She was in the process of forming a
near-adulterous relationship with a married man. Ellen had hired a youngish man
by the name of W.F. Caldwell in 1893 to help Fannie with the typing. He had been
separated from his wide and two children for three years. Caldwell took to the
cloistered life and showed "a fondness for the society of young girls and [was]
full of gaiety, conducting himself like a boy," as Ellen later wrote
pejoratively to I.N. Williams, president of Caldwell's home conference. (36)
Although Caldwell's wife later divorced him, this had not been done before
Fannie and he had formed "the attachment and love and had been pledged to one
another, Fannie to Caldwell, and Caldwell to Fannie." Ellen reported to John
Harvey Kellogg. (37)
As meliorist, Ellen pointed out to Fannie the less-than-heroic character of
Caldwell: "The Lord has a controversy with Brother Caldwell. His love of self,
his love of self-gratification, and his determination to have his own way, have
made him unreasonable, overbearing, dictatorial. His practice of over-eating has
taxed his digestive organs, distended his stomach, and taxed his nature to
endure a burden that has reacted upon the brain, and his memory is weakened."
Fannie denied at first that there was any affection between them. "She stood
before me in my tent," Ellen wrote to her friends the Tenneys, "and declared
that there was nothing to the reports. For one year after this, she was good for
nothing to me, only a dead, heavy load." Fannie finally admitted that she loved
Caldwell with all her heart and the "three times has this cup of bliss
[engagement] been presented to me, and then been snatched away." (39)
Although Ellen was able to nip the romance in the bud, she continued over a
period of two years to write to various people about the unseemly liaison: "It
is not the work connected with me that has prostrated her [Fannie's] nervous
system," Ellen wrote to Willard A. Colcord. "It is practicing a course of
secrecy and deception and wrong-doing. It is not the requirements made upon her,
but it is kindling a fire and walking in the sparks of her own kindling in
connection with her wonderful desire for another woman's husband; lovesick
Rummaging in the past, Ellen brought out Fannie's dead second romance to
couple with this third incident. In Ann Arbor Fannie had met a Californian named
Blakley (first name not given) and had fallen in love with him. (41) When she
went to Australia, Ellen told Colcord, "she expected he [Blakley] would write
her, renewing his attentions to her, but no letter was received, and she almost
blasphemed God because of His providence." (42) Ellen wrote to John Harvey
Kellogg also about the Blakley matter, saying that Fannie "acted at times as if
possessed of an evil spirit, and she set in to make us all miserable... [and]
was sometimes impudent and accusing." (43)
When campmeeting time rolled around in 1895 (October 17 to November 11),
Fannie was there to meet her Waterloo. Again she told her secret. Ellen wrote
that she stood "like a sheep bleating about the fold." (44) The bleating and the
romantic entanglement were too much for Ellen. Kellogg wrote Ballenger of
Fannie's report that she and Marian Davis had to go over the material copied
from the books of other writers "and transpose sentences and change paragraphs
and otherwise endeavor to hide the piracy," and as a result of Fannie's
objections, Ellen not only dismissed her but slapped her face. (45)
Finally, on November 12, 1895, Ellen wrote to Marian: "I have given nothing
into Fannie's hands, and never expect to give her another chance to seek to
betray me and turn traitor. I have had enough of 'talent' and 'ability' to last
me a lifetime." Again on November 29 she wrote to Marian, "I have served my time
with Fannie Bolton." (46)
This was to have been the end of Fannie's term of service. Off and on, for a
period of seven and a half years, Fannie had worked for Ellen. Now, the once
"Christlike," "brilliant," "entertaining," "talented," "educated," and
"productive" Fannie had degenerated, according to Ellen's recriminations, into a
"poor, shallow soul," a "flashing meteor," a "practicer of deception," a
"lovesick sentimentalist," a "pretentious actor," a "poor, deluded, misshapen
character," and a "farce," and said she had become "trying," "provoking,"
"one-sided," "impulsive," "fickle," "unbalanced," depressed," "vacillating," and
Incredible as it may seem, Fannie was invited to work for Ellen a fourth
time. As Fannie quoted Ellen's words back to her later, Ellen said that she had
been told by an "unseen presence on March 20, 1895," that Fannie was to be taken
back into the work: "If she [Fannie] separates now from you,' said the spirit,
'Satan's net is prepared for her feet. She is not in a condition to be left to
herself now to be consumed of herself. She feels regret and remorse. I am her
Redeemer, I will restore her if she will not exalt and honor and glorify
herself. If she goes from you now, there is a chain of circumstances which will
bring her into difficulties which will be her ruin.'" (48)
In 1900 Ellen wrote to Irwin giving the reason for asking Fannie back a
fourth time: "I now see why I was directed to give Fannie another trial. There
are those who misunderstood me because of Fannie's misrepresentations. These
were watching to see what course I would take in regard to her. They would have
represented that I had abused poor Fannie Bolton. In following the directions to
take her back, I took away all occasion for criticism from those who were ready
to condemn me." (49)
But Fannie was broken in body and in spirit. The years of overwork and stress
had taken their toll of her less than robust physical and emotional health,
leaving Fannie in no condition to work, and she decided to return to America.
Her ship sailed on May 10, 1896.
The conflict might have died there, but Fannie talked again and again,
wavering between loyalty to her literary maxims and to Ellen and her work. In
1897 Ellen was still smarting from the reports when she wrote to Fannie in
April: "I will cut off the influence of your tongue in every way I can," (50)
and to the Tenneys in July: "Her imagination is very strong, and she makes such
exaggerated statements that her words are not trustworthy." (51)
Fannie had given the reason for her conflict in 1894. "I felt that you were
the servant of God," she wrote to Ellen, "and that I should be with you, there
would be more hope of my salvation, than if I remained in any other branch of
work. I thought that were I editing your writings, I should be found in the time
of judgment giving meat in due season." (52)
Finally, in 1901, to the great relief of Ellen's supporters, Fannie wrote
what they considered to be her true confession: "I thank God that He has kept
Sister White from following my supposed superior wisdom and righteousness, and
has kept her from acknowledging editors or authors; but has given to the people
the unadulterated expression of God's mind. Had she done as I wished her to do,
the gift would have been degraded to a common authorship, its importance lost,
its authority undermined, and its blessing lost to the world." (53)
The last letter Ellen wrote to or about Fannie, according to The Story, was
the one to Irwin in 1900. She was nearing age seventy-three, and Fannie was in
her forty-first year. Perhaps Willie took over the controversy at that time. He
wrote to Stephen N. Haskell: "It is no doubt a relief to you to write a few
lines in each letter about Sister Bolton [to Ellen], but unless there is some
obvious good to be accomplished, something definite to be done in response to
what you write, it would be much pleasanter for Mother and greatly for the
advancement of her work if such unpleasant things were not mentioned. The loss
of two or three night's sleep over such a matter may deprive Mother of the
strength which might have been used in bringing out some very important general
matter for the instruction of the churches." (54)
In 1911, when Fannie was fifty-two years of age, her emotional health broke,
and she was admitted to the Kalamazoo State Hospital. She was released after
thirteen months (February 20, 1911, to March 18, 1912). Less than two years
before she died, she was admitted again for three months (October 9, 1924, to
January 21, 1925). To Fannie's detractors, this was an indication that divine
retribution was being meted out in the here and now, and positive proof that she
had been unbalanced all along.
Fannie was heard from off and on during the years following her employment
with Ellen. As late as 1914 she wrote: "I was with Mrs. White for seven and a
half years like a soul on a rock, because of all kinds of inconsistencies,
injustices and chicaneries." (55)
Three songs for which she had composed the music, one with words, were
published in Christ in Song. (56) In her possession when she died, according to
Hattie L. Porter, "were a lot of poems, some finished, and some not. She had
thought to get them out in book form, but was too near the end of life to finish
the work. Some of these poems were worthy of a place in our papers, and some
showed her physical powers had weakened, and her mentality could not operate.
These she knew were incomplete, and she called them 'Junk.'" (57)
There was an Adventist man, Hattie wrote, who had wanted to marry Fannie;
"but she could not see light in such a course with her health gone, but he
visited her often, paid for her room and board and care, and funeral expenses,
together with the sustentation check sent." (58) (Whether the man was Blakley or
Caldwell or someone else is not known.)
Fannie died in 1926 at Battle Creek, according to the Review, on June 28. She
was not yet sixty-seven years of age. Her friend Hattie wrote the obituary for
the Review: "The peaceful expression on her face told us she felt ready to meet
her Master." One of Fannie's own compositions was sung - "Not I but Christ." She
was buried at Eureka, Michigan. (59)
Ironically, her death certificate gives her occupation as "letter writer,"
the part of her work for Ellen that she disliked the very most.
1. The Calhoun Country, Michigan, death certificate (213-3126) filed 1 July 1926 for Frances E. Bolton, 36 Manchester Street, Battle Creek, notes that the informant for the "personal and historical particulars" was Josephine Huffman, of 68 Oaklawn Street.
2. Fannie's attendance years, graduation date, and the commencement oration title were provided 12 May 1983 by Northwestern University Library archivist, Patrick M. Quinn, who noted in passing that June 1983 was the hundredth anniversary of her graduation. The registrar's office at the University of Michigan certified in a letter of 26 May 1983 that Fannie was a full-time student in the liberal arts school there at Ann Arbor for the term September 1890 to June 1891, eight years after leaving Northwestern.
3. Ellen G. White Estate, comp., The Fannie Bolton Story: A Collection of Source Documents (Washington, D.C.: General Conference of SDA, 1982), Fannie Bolton to Mrs. E.C. Slawson, 30 December 1914; p. 108. (This compilation is hereafter referred to as The Story. Mrs. White is referred to as EGW. Unless another source is stated, the quotations in this Part 1 article are from The Story. The numbers shown for letters written by EGW refer to the file numbers at the White Estate. The page numbers are those in The Story collection.)
4. William C. White and Dores E. Robinson, The Work of Mrs. E.G. White's Editors (St. Helena, CA: Elmshaven Office, 30 August 1933), p. 3. (Hereafter referred to as The Work; Mr. White hereafter referred to as White or Willie.)
5. Bolton to Slawson, 30 December 1914; pp. 108-9.
6. White and Robinson, The Work, p. 3.
7. Ibid., p. 4.
8. EGW to Stephen N. Haskell and Mr. And Mrs. William Ings, 13 February 1888 (Letter 25); p. 1.
9. Edward S. Ballenger, ed., The Gathering Call, February 1932, pp. 16-22. Quoted in The Story, pp. 113-16.
10. Fannie Bolton, "A Confession Concerning the Testimony of Jesus," ca. April 1901; p. 102.
11. White and Robinson, The Work, p. 5.
12. White to Charles H. Jones, 23 June 1889; p. 2.
13. Bolton, "A Confession," ca. April 1901; p. 102.
14. EGW to Marian Davis, 29 October 1895 (Letter 102); p. 44.
15. Bolton to EGW, 30 April 1891; pp. 2-3.
16. EGW to White, 6 February 1894 (Letter 88); pp. 28-29.
17. Bolton to EGW, May Lacey, and Emily Campbell, 7 October 1892; p. 8.
18. Bolton to EGW, 4 May 1893; p. 12.
19. White and Robinson, The Work, p. 12.
20. Merritt G. Kellogg statement [March 1908], The Story, p. 107.
21. Bolton to EGW, 5 July 1897; p. 81.
22. George B. Starr, "The Watchcare of Jesus over the Writings Connected with the Testimony of Jesus," 2 June 1915, The Story, p. 110.
23. EGW to Marian Davis, 29 October 1895 (Letter 102); p. 42.
24. EGW to Bolton, 6 February 1894 (Letter 7); pp. 20-21.
25. Ibid., p. 27.
26. Ibid., p. 21.
27. EGW to White, 6 February 1894 (Letter 88); pp. 29, 32.
28. EGW to Ole A. Olsen, 5 February 1894 (Letter 59); pp. 19-20.
29. EGW to Davis, 29 October 1895 (Letter 102); p. 44.
30. EGW to George A. Irwin, 23 April 1900 (Letter 61; revision of 61-a; pp. 92-4); p. 95.
31. EGW to White, 6 February 1894 (Letter 88); pp. 31, 29.
32. EGW to Bolton, 6 February 1894 (Letter 7); pp. 20, 27-28.
33. Bolton to EGW, 9 February 1894; pp. 32-33.
34. EGW to Bolton, 10 February 1894 (Letter 6); p. 34.
35. William C. White to J. Edson White, 25 October 1895; p. 41.
36. EGW to I.N. Williams, 12 April 1896 (Letter 104); p. 70.
37. EGW to John Harvey Kellogg, 20 December 1895 (Letter 106); p. 60.
38. EGW to Bolton, 26 November 1895 (Letter 115); pp. 52-53.
39. EGW to Mr. And Mrs. George C. Tenney, 1 July 1897 (Letter 114); pp. 79-80.
40. EGW to Willard A. Colcord, 7 January 1896 (Letter 21); p. 62.
41. EGW to Kellogg, 20 December 1895 (Letter 106); p. 60.
42. EGW to Colcord, 7 January 1896 (Letter 21); p. 62.
43. EGW to Kellogg, 20 December 1895 (Letter 106); p. 60.
44. EGW Manuscript 12-d 19[20?] March 1896; p. 64.
45. John Harvey Kellogg to Edward S. Ballenger, 9 January 1936. Quoted in The Story, p. 120.
46. EGW to Davis, 12 November 1895 (Letter 103); 29 November 1895 (Letter 22-a); p. 49 and pp. 53-54.
47. The Story, passim.
48. Bolton to EGW, 5 July 1897, quoting from EGW Manuscript 12-c (1 April 1896; 20 March dateline [see p. 65]); p. 85.
49. EGW to Irwin, 23 April 1900 (Letter 61; revision of 61-a, pp. 92-94); pp. 95-96.
50. EGW to Bolton, 11 April 1897 (Letter 25); p. 74.
51. EGW to Tenney, 5 July 1897 (Letter 115); p. 80.
52. Bolton to EGW, 9 February 1894; pp. 32-33.
53. Bolton, "A Confession," ca. April 1901; p. 106.
54. White to Stephen N. Haskell, 13 July 1900; p. 101.
55. Bolton to Slawson, 30 December 1914; pp. 108-9.
56. The hymnal Christ in Song (first published by the Review and Herald in 1908) contained three songs copyrighted by Fannie: No. 197, "Come Out in the Sunshine," words and tune; No. 209, "The Dove of Peace," tune only (words by S. H. Bolton, perhaps her father?); No. 230, "Not I, but Christ" (words adapted from Galatians 2:20).
57. Hattie L. Porter to William A. Spicer, 25 July 1933; p. 117.
58. Ibid., p. 118.
59. Advent Review and Sabbath Herald 103:41 (5 August 1926), p. 22.
by Alice Elizabeth Gregg
Adventist Currents, October 1983
Esta pagina in Espaņol
The story of Fannie Bolton, Ellen G. White's most controversial literary associate, cannot be told adequately or completely without the story of Ellen's longtime literary associate, Marian Davis.
Marian was born on August 21, 1847, at North Berwick, Maine, to Obadiah and Elmira O. Davis. Her given name was Mary Ann, which she used until she was in her thirties. She was the oldest of four children, Grace being the next younger, then Obadiah, and last Ella. If there are any extant pictures of Marian, none has been found thus far. If she looked anything like her sister Ella, she had brown hair and a small, serious face with pleasing features.
When Marian was four years old, her mother became a Seventh-day Adventist;
and soon afterward her father, who had been in California during the gold rush,
also accepted the faith. In 1868, the year she was twenty-one, she went with her
family to Battle Creek, Michigan. Shortly after that, Marian accepted a position
teaching in a country school. Teaching proved to be so taxing that her health
was affected, and she had to stay home a year to recuperate. Later she took work
as a proofreader at the Review and Herald publishing plant.
Double tragedy struck the family in 1876. Grace died of "lung fever" on March
17, and then ten days later, on March 27, their mother died. Marian and her
father wrote the obituaries for the Review. (1)
In 1880 Ella married William K. Kellogg, owner of the W.K. Kellogg Cornflakes
Company. Obadiah went into business and became known for the durability of his
electric water pumps.
When James and Ellen White took a wagon trip to Colorado in 1879, they
invited Marian to accompany them. Marian went by railway from Michigan to Texas
to join the eight wagons already en route. The story of the trip is told by
Eileen E. Lantry in a children's book entitled Miss Marian's Gold. (2) Marian
was thirty-two years of age when she started the journey that was to be the
beginning of a quarter century's adventure to exotic and interesting places.
When Ellen traveled - to California in 1882, to Europe in 1885, again to
California in 1887, to Michigan in 1889, to Australia in 1891, and again to
California in 1900 - Marian accompanied her to do her manuscript editing.
Marian became what Ellen called her "bookmaker." "She takes my articles which
are published in the papers, and pastes them in blank books," Ellen wrote to
George A. Irwin, who would soon become the next president of the General
Conference of Seventh-day Adventists. "She also has a copy of all the letters I
write. In preparing a chapter for a book, Marian remembers that I have written
something on that special point, which may make the matter more forcible. She
begins to search for this, and if when she finds it, she sees that it will make
the chapter more clear, she adds it." (3)
Fortunately Marian's memory was very good. To draw from, she had at least
"thirty scrapbooks, a half dozen bound volumes, and fifty manuscripts, all
covering thousands of pages" of Ellen White's materials, besides a large library
of books. (4) Also she attended classes and meetings and took notes that would
help cover a given subject, such as the life of Christ.
Ellen had been "an interested reader of religious journals," according to
William C. White, her son, "and during the many years that Uriah Smith was
editor of the Review, it was her custom to request him after [he had]
made use of the religious exchanges, to pass them over to her and she would
spend a portion of her time in scanning them in selecting precious things which
sometimes appeared in the Review. In these she also gathered information
regarding what was going on in the religious world." (5) This was information
that was also available for Marian to peruse for her bookmaking activities.
Marian was extremely conscientious about her work and would be very
painstaking about bringing numerous details to the attention of Ellen or Willie
for clarification. This could be very annoying to Ellen at times, as she wanted
to get on with her "own thing," whatever it might be at the time.
On one occasion Ellen wrote to Mary, her daughter-in-law: "Willie is in
meeting early and late, devising, planning for the doing of better and more
efficient work in the cause of God.... Marian will go to him for some little
matters that it seems she could settle for herself. She is nervous and hurried
and he so worn he has to just shut his teeth together and hold his nerves as
best he can. I have had a talk with her and told her she must settle many things
herself that she has been bringing Willie.... She must just carry some of these
things that belong to her part of the work, and not bring them before him nor
worry his mind with them. Sometimes I think she will kill us both, all
unnecessarily, with her little things she can just as well settle herself as to
bring them before us. Every little change of a word she wants us to see. I am
about tired of this business." (6)
Marian's experience, for one thing, taught her that the omission, addition,
or misuse of a word or a comma can make all the difference in the world to
meaning and clarity and can confuse or mislead rather than enlighten the reader.
In other words, she was a skilled editor.
Further, Marian herself was clearly searching, studying, and selecting
pertinent material not from Ellen's scrapbooks alone but from the works of other
religious writers (Alfred Edersheim, William Hanna, John Harris, Daniel March,
Henry Melvill, to name some) and from various Adventist ministers she heard
lecture or obtained advice from in order to familiarize herself with the
subject. Certainly it would follow, then, that she would be anxious that the
manuscript work resulting from her searching's, incorporating, and organizing be
scrutinized thoroughly. Whose work should be more carefully done than that of
"the prophet" speaking for God?
Zealous supporters of Ellen at times referred to Marian, Fannie, and others
loosely as "copyists" (which means their editing would be limited to "mechanics"
such as correcting simple grammar, spelling, punctuation) - thus subtly
minimizing the associate. There are numerous pieces of evidence to indicate that
Ellen's literary assistants, by whatever title, in fact did what is called
'substantive editing' - that is, rewriting, reorganizing, and suggesting ways to
reinforce or modify the content - plus much more. Marian, who researched for
content ideas, organization, and expression and who attended to paraphrasing,
was not called "bookmaker" without reason.
The matter of using quotation marks for material drawn from the work of other
religious writers eventually came up for discussion. William C. White and Dores
E. Robinson wrote: "Mrs. White made no effort to conceal the fact that she had
copied from other writers, statements that exactly suited her purpose. And in
her handwritten manuscripts, most of the passages that she had copied word for
word, were enclosed in quotation marks. But there were also many passages that
were paraphrased.... The question arose, How shall these passages be handled?
Much time would be required to study each passage and mark it consistently. The
printers were waiting for copy, and the public were waiting for the book. Then
it was decided to leave out the quotation marks entirely. And in that way the
book was printed." (7)
Vesta J. Farnsworth, who was in Australia during the time Ellen was there,
wrote that Marian "had shared in the decision to leave out quotation marks in
the early edition of [The] Great Controversy and to the using of the
general acknowledgment in the Preface. Then when there came severe criticism for
this, she, with Sister White and her associates, felt it very keenly." (8)
That Marian was upset and weeping herself to sleep night after night
eventually got back to the family, according to Obadiah, and they worried about
her because the health of their sister was not robust. (9)
Dudley M. Canright, one of Ellen's biographers, wrote that
Marian "was one day heard moaning
in her room. Going in, another worker inquired the cause of her trouble. Miss
Davis replied: 'I wish I could die! I wish I could die!' 'Why, what is the
matter?' asked the other. 'Oh,' Miss Davis said, 'this terrible plagiarism.'"
Farnsworth commented on that story: "If this be true, it is only one of the
many things connected with her [Marian's] work over which she was deeply
distressed. Sister Marian Davis was exceedingly faithful and conscientious in
her labors, and felt keenly her responsibility in the work entrusted to her in
connection with Sister White's writings. She was frail of body and often low
spirited. Many times she besought the prayers and the counsel of her associates
and fellow workers. And by the help of God she did a noble work. She loved the
work better than her life, and anything which affected it affected her." (11)
When Marian talked with Charles E. Stewart, a doctor in Battle Creek, she
told him about her problems with her editing. He referred to this incident,
without divulging the person's name, in a lengthy letter that he wrote to Ellen
in 1907: "I am informed by a trustworthy person, that you in the preparation
of your various works, consulted freely other authors; and that it was sometimes
very difficult to arrange the matter for your books in such a way as to prevent
the readers from detecting that many of the ideas had been taken from other
The work seemed to go fairly smoothly between Ellen and Marian until Fannie
joined them. Then things began to happen. Ellen wrote that Fannie "would talk to
my workers, especially Marian, and get her stirred up so that I could hardly get
along with Marian. She was like another person, infused with a spirit that was
excitable and unexplainable." (13)
What the editors talked about was the giving of credit to authors and
editors. Fannie, according to Ellen in a letter to Ole A. Olsen, General
Conference president at the time, "talked these things to Marian and Marian has
been led into much of the same views, but not to the extent of Fannie." (14)
Fannie talked to various ones about how the books were organized and written,
and Ellen wrote, "she presented the matter to them in such as way that they
thought injustice had been done to Fannie and Marian.... Fannie represented that
she and Marian had brought all the talent and sharpness into my books, yet
[they] were both ignored and set aside, and all the credit came to me." (15)
Fannie had "created such a state of things in her representations," Ellen
wrote to John Harvey Kellogg, "that you would have supposed her to be the author
of the articles she prepared, and maintained that it should be acknowledged that
Marian and Fannie were in copartnership with me in the publications bearing my
Ellen finally brought this to a head one day in conversation with Fannie. She
recounted the incident thus to Willie: "Should [my writings] be published Mrs.
E.G. White, Fannie Bolton, and Marian Davis are a company concern in these
productions? "oh," she says, 'I do not know, I do not know. I have been tempted.
I am full of pride.'" (17)
After Fannie was discharged, Marian, according to Ellen, became "just as
peaceable as she used to be." (18) However, when Ellen was upset with Marian,
she was relegated from the "trustworthy bookmaker" to "poor little Marian."
Marian's father died in Battle Creek on March 1, 1903. In May of the same
year Marian attended the General Conference meeting in Oakland, California.
While she was there she caught a cold that settled in her lungs, and she was
hospitalized at the St. Helena Sanitarium and Hospital. Gradually she seemed to
recover from her lung problem, and she went back to work on Ellen's latest tome,
The Ministry of Healing. But her appetite and strength never returned.
Finally, when she became so weak that she could no longer sit at her typewriter,
she was hospitalized again. Because she was unable to eat or sleep, she
continued wasting away and never recovered. (19)
According to Canright, "it is said that before her death Miss Davis was
greatly troubled over the connection she had had with Mrs. White's plagiarism,
for she knew how extensively it had been carried on." (20)
That Marian was troubled can be read in letters written to her during that
time by Ellen, who was traveling in the East. On August 24, 1904: "Let not one
anxious thought come into your mind." On September 16: "I am grieved that you
are troubled in mind.... He [God] has no such feelings of condemnation as you
imagine. I want you to stop thinking that the Lord does not love you.... You
need not think that you have done anything which would lead God to treat you
with severity. I know better." (21) Even on October 9, when Ellen returned to
California from her trip, she could not succeed in persuading Marian to eat.
At four o'clock on the afternoon of October 25, 1904, Marian - who had made
The Desire of Ages sing, and who had given sinew and beauty to many other
works for Ellen - was dead. Her funeral was held the next day in the St. Helena
Church, and she was buried at St. Helena. In attendance were her sister, Ella
Kellogg, and her niece, Beth Kellogg.
Willie wrote the obituary, a full column in length, for the Review. He
described her as an "efficient laborer in the literary departments of our
work.... [She] has been a most efficient and trusted worker, preparing for the
press tracts, pamphlets, and books, and articles for our numerous periodicals."
As for the thoughts that were troubling Marian at the time, Willie wrote that
"Sister Davis sometimes, during her sickness, mourned because the imperfections
of her work and experience, but at the last she grasped the firm promises of
God, and found peace and rest and joy in the Lord." (22)
One further account stated that Marian died of tuberculosis. But, curiously,
her death certificate states that she died of anemia. She was fifty-seven years
old, and she weighed fifty-seven pounds. Could it have been that starvation was
the only way out of a situation that she could no longer tolerate?
Even after the deaths of Marian and Fannie, the seeds of doubt about the
authorship of Ellen's writings continued to sprout and flourish.
White and Robinson spent the year of 1933 endeavoring to compose an
explanation of Ellen's writings so that members of the Adventists denomination
would understand, once and for all time, how the "gift" worked. Together they
wrote "A Statement Regarding the Experiences of Fannie Bolton in Relation to Her
Work for Mrs. Ellen G. White," "Brief Statements Regarding the Writings of Ellen
G. White," and "The Work of Mrs. E.G. White's Editors." Also, White wrote "The
Story of a Popular Book, Steps to Christ," and Robinson wrote "The
Authorship of Steps to Christ." All of these were issued at the time in
In their "Brief Statements" they recorded that "in later years when Mrs.
White became aware that some of the readers of her books were perplexed over the
question as to whether her copying from other writers was an infringement on
somebody's rights, the inquiry was raised, 'Who has been injured?' No injustice
or injury could be named." (23)
But Ellen knew who would be injured. "Fannie Bolton can hurt me as no other
person can," she had said with some warmth to Merritt Kellogg.(24) In 1895,
Ellen had said: "She [Fannie] has misrepresented me and hurt me terribly. Only
in connection with my work has she hurt me. She has reported to others that she
has the same as made over my articles, that she has put her whole soul into
them, and I had the credit of the ability she had given to these writings." (25)
According to Ellen, one of the greatest sins was Fannie's talking. Fannie
wrote her in 1897: "I thought the only thing you disliked in me was speaking of
the matter at all, that you wanted me to maintain secrecy about it all, but I
thought that in justice to yourself, your work, your editors and readers, you
yourself should have acknowledged your editor's work. In this matter I thought
if I did not tell what I thought to be true, I would be a party in what I
thought was not perfectly honest, open dealing." (26)
The Fannie Bolton Story was released by the White Estate in 1982 with the
expectation, one suspects, of vindicating Ellen. Ironically, Walter T. Rea's
The White Lie, which came out almost simultaneously demonstrating that much
of Ellen's material was copied, in effect vindicated Fannie and Marian. (27)
The conflict between the protagonist and the two antagonists ended with their
deaths - Ellen died in 1915, Marian in 1904, and Fannie in 1926. But the central
conflict - with its significant literary, ethical, and theological implications
- has never been resolved, and hence the story cannot yet end.
Throughout the years, from the earliest Adventist beginnings, there have been
protests - sometimes as muffled mutterings, but in this century as crescendoing
cacophony. Officials and apologists in the church have always responded by
shifting from one justification to another:
This technical and complex philosophical subject in the field of logical
empiricism is probably not what the White Estate wanted to get into at all. What
they no doubt meant, but could not say, was that "the problems surrounding her
work were the result of focusing on the [unacknowledged use of] words rather
than the message of her writings."
Creative as these various justifications for copying may be, they are no
substitute for truth.
Credit must be given to the White Estate, the Biblical Research Institute, and the President of the General Conference for conceding that "the amount of borrowing was greater than they had previously known." (39) However, when the officials, apologists, and the Seventh-day Adventist Church at large can go that one step further and acknowledge that Ellen was wrong to copy without giving credit to the sources used, then the conflict recounted in "The Unfinished Story of Fannie Bolton and Marian Davis" will end.
1. Adventist Review, 1 December 1904.
2. Eileen S. Lantry, Miss Marian's Gold (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1981).
3. Ellen G. White Estate, comp., The Fannie Bolton Story: A Collection of Source Documents (Washington, DC: General Conference of SDA, 1982), Ellen G. White to George A Irwin, 23 April 1900 (Letter 61-a); p. 93.
4. [Robert W. Olson], "How The Desire of Ages Was Written" (Washington, DC: Ellen G. White Estate, 23 May 1979), Marian Davis to William C. White, 29 March 1893; p. 24.
5. EGW, Selected Messages, 3 bks. (Washington, DC: Review and Herald Publishing Association, 1980), bk. 3, pp. 462-463.
6. [Olson], "How DA Was Written," EGW to Mary White, March 1889 (Letter 64-a), p. 22.
7. William C. White and Dores E. Robinson, "Brief Statements Regarding the Writings of Ellen G. White (St. Helena, CA: Elmshaven Office, August 1933), p. 16.
8. Vesta J. Farnsworth to Guy C. Jorgensen, 1 December 1921, p. 34.
9. Hugh Williams, Taped Interview, 18 June 1980, pp. 1-2.
10. Dudley M. Canright, Life of Mrs. E.G. White, Seventh-day Adventist Prophet: Her False Claims Refuted (Cincinnati: Standard Publishing Company, 1919), p. 204.
11. Farnsworth to Jorgensen, p. 34.
12. [Charles E. Stewart], A Response to an Urgent Testimony from Mrs. Ellen G. White, Concerning Contradictions, Inconsistencies and Other Errors in Her Writings [Often called "The Blue Book"] (private printing; preface, 1907), p. 81.
13. The Story, EGW to Children, 2 August 1896 (Letter 154), pp. 72-3.
14. Ibid., EGW to Ole A. Olsen, 5 February 1894 (Letter 59), p. 19.
15. Ibid., EGW to Marian Davis, 29 October 1895 (Letter 102), p. 43.
16. Ibid., EGW to John Harvey Kellogg, 20 December 1895 (Letter 106), p. 60.
17. Ibid., EGW to Willie C. White, 6 February 1894 (Letter 88), p. 30.
18. Ibid., EGW to Children, 2 August 1896 (Letter 154), p. 73.
19. Lantry, Miss Marian's Gold, p. 76.
20. Canright, Life of Mrs. EGW, p. 204.
21. EGW, Selected Messages, (1958), bk. 2, pp. 251-54.
22. Adventist Review 81 (1 December 1904), p. 23.
23. White and Robinson, "Brief Statement," p. 12.
24. The Story, Merritt G. Kellogg, "A Statement" (March 1908), p. 7.
25. Ibid., EGW to J. Edson White, 9 December 1895 (Letter 123-a), p. 54.
26. Ibid., Fannie Bolton to EGW, 5 July 1897; p. 84.
27. Walter T. Rea, The White Lie (Turlock, CA: M&R Publications, 1982).
28. EGW, Testimonies for the Church, 9 vols. (Mountain View, CA: Pacific Press Publishing Association, 1948) vol. 5, p. 67.
29. EGW, The Great Controversy between Christ and Satan (Mountain View, CA: PPPA, 1888), Introduction, p. xii.
30. White and Robinson, "Brief Statements," p. 6.
31. [Ellen G. White Estate], "The Truth about the White Lie," Ministry, August 1982, p. 2.
33. Vincent C. Ramik, "Memorandum of Law: Literary Property Rights, 1790-1915" (Washington, DC: General Conference of SDA, 1981), p. 17.
34. White and Robinson, "Brief Statements," p. 18.
35. [EGW Estate], "The Truth about the White Lie," p. 4.
36. Ibid., p. 10.
37. A.D. Ritchie, The Natural History of the Mind, pp. 278-79, quoted by Susanne K. Langer in Philosophy in a New Key; a Study in the Symbolism of Reason, Rite, and Art (Harvard University Press, 1974), 3rd ed., p. 27.
38. Harold H. Titus, Living Issues in Philosophy (New York: American Book Company, 1964), 4th ed., p. 284.
39. Neal C. Wilson, "This I Believe about Ellen G. White," Adventist Review, 20 March 1980, pp. 8-10.